英語經(jīng)典演講稿(6篇)

　　演講稿的內(nèi)容要根據(jù)具體情境、具體場合來確定，要求情感真實，尊重觀眾。隨著社會不斷地進步，演講稿在我們的視野里出現(xiàn)的頻率越來越高，在寫之前，可以先參考范文，下面是小編幫大家整理的英語經(jīng)典演講稿，歡迎大家借鑒與參考，希望對大家有所幫助。

英語經(jīng)典演講稿1

親愛的老師和同學(xué)們：

　　我很高興在這里說點什么。這時，我想談?wù)勎业膼酆谩?/p>

　　我有很多愛好。首先，我喜歡玩電子游戲。電腦游戲很酷。我可以玩一整天。第二，我喜歡各種運動。我喜歡新鮮空氣和陽光。和朋友踢足球很有趣。

　　在海里游泳是我最喜歡的。我也喜歡在家畫畫。此外，我喜歡音樂。我喜歡唱歌。我經(jīng)常在街上散步時唱電影歌曲。當(dāng)然，我每天都學(xué)英語。如你所知，英語在世界各地都被使用。所以我學(xué)英語很努力。我希望有一天我能環(huán)游世界，和外國人說英語。

　　還有更多我喜歡做的`。還有我想說的。也許下次我可以告訴你更多。謝謝大家的傾聽。

英語經(jīng)典演講稿2

　　大家好，我今天演講的題目是“我的夢想”。

　　每個人都有夢想，而且很好，我也不例外。我有一個小小的夢想，當(dāng)我達到目標(biāo)時，我會實現(xiàn)更多的夢想。開始，我還是個嬰兒，一心想變得很強壯，像少林寺里的孩子一樣，武功高強。但是我覺得離開父母去很遠的地方練武，辛苦，有點舍不得。小時候，我有一個夢想，我希望我有錢。大人問：小姑娘，有了錢你打算怎么辦？我要去買泡泡糖"如果你有很多錢？

　　我打算買很多泡泡糖。"如果你有錢花的'話？我會買泡泡糖工廠。"天真的童年我們的確有一顆善良的心，幸福和快樂是同一首曲子。

　　慢慢進入小學(xué)，課程越來越深，知識越來越多。會感受到壓力。現(xiàn)在我有一個夢想。我希望我沒有；我每天沒有很多作業(yè)要做。玩的有點剝奪，而我們40%的日子都禁錮在教室里，很多時間都在學(xué)習(xí)。但是在學(xué)習(xí)面前，是一種模糊的知識。俗話說，一種罕見的困惑。對事物的理解，從封建主義到資本主義，越大越覺得自己的觀點是正確的。每天放學(xué)回家后忙了一天一夜的課，他又困又累，吃不到深夜吃的食物。這樣的生活很單調(diào)，可能有時候會想念我的很多小學(xué)同學(xué)，有時候會帶著一節(jié)課或者一副朦朧的睡相。討厭死板的校服，我從來不到處穿。周六，周日；時間很短，孩子很想磨煉，慢慢了解生活；太難了，努力吧，夢想好了，我會努力讓每個人都生活起來，早起晚睡，把握住自己，不再松懈。我也想為他們的夢想而奮斗。

　　我的演講結(jié)束了，謝謝！

英語經(jīng)典演講稿3

　　Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.

　　I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.

　　In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.

　　Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.

　　This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.

　　We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.

　　My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.

　　With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.

　　We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.

　　My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,

　　“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”

　　The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.

　　Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.

　　My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.

　　But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.

　　Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.

　　I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.

　　To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, "You are at risk." And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.

　　To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word "AIDS" when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.

　　God bless the children, and God bless us all.

　　Good night.

英語經(jīng)典演講稿4

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

　　This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

　　I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

　　Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

　　The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

　　This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

　　The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

　　One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

　　We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

　　Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

　　We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.

　　Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.

　　I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

　　I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

　　I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

　　Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

　　The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

　　Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

　　My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

　　This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

　　Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

　　As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

　　We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

　　This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

　　Thank you very much.

英語經(jīng)典演講稿5

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

　　I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

　　Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

　　It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

　　What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

　　That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

　　And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

　　Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

　　Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

　　We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

　　I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

　　Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

　　Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

　　In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

　　No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

　　As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

　　I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

　　There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

　　But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

　　And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

　　Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

　　Our national policy is this:

　　First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

　　Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

　　Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

　　In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

　　Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

　　The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

　　I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

　　No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

　　To give you two illustrations:

　　We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

　　We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

　　To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

　　The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

　　New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

　　I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

　　The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

　　I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

　　Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

　　For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

　　Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."

　　In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

　　And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

　　They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

　　Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

　　A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

　　The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

　　As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

　　The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their inpidual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

　　Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

　　The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

　　Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

　　Jobs for those who can work.

　　Security for those who need it.

　　The ending of special privilege for the few.

　　The preservation of civil liberties for all.

　　The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

　　These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

　　Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

　　We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

　　We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

　　We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

　　I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

　　If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

　　In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

　　The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

　　The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

　　The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

　　The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

　　That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

　　To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

　　Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

　　This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

　　To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

英語經(jīng)典演講稿6

尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、老師：

　　大家下午好！我叫xx，原來在xx小學(xué)工作，近幾年來一直從事小學(xué)英語的教學(xué)，今年因工作調(diào)動，調(diào)整到我們xx小學(xué)工作，我感到非常的高興，同時，也非常感謝我們學(xué)校領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能給我這樣一次展示自我、成就自我的機會。我今天我競聘的崗位是三、四年級的英語教學(xué)。

　　首先我說一下自己的基本情況和工作業(yè)績：我xx年畢業(yè)于xx師專數(shù)學(xué)系，后分配到xx中學(xué)從事數(shù)學(xué)教學(xué)，xx年開始改教初中英語，xx年因身體狀況，調(diào)入小學(xué)從事小學(xué)英語教學(xué)至今，xx年自考大學(xué)本科畢業(yè)，xx年被評為中學(xué)一級教師。

　　自工作以來，我一直兢兢業(yè)業(yè)，勤奮工作，所教科目成績一直據(jù)全鎮(zhèn)前列，特別是近幾年來從事小學(xué)英語教學(xué)，所教班級多次獲得全鎮(zhèn)第一名，個人也多次被評為鎮(zhèn)教育先進工作者、優(yōu)秀教師，區(qū)優(yōu)秀教師，個人年考核優(yōu)秀等次的榮譽稱號，并有多篇論文在市級報紙發(fā)表。

　　下面我談一下，我競聘英語教師的幾個優(yōu)勢和條件：

　　1。有良好的師德

　　我為人處事的原則是：老老實實做人，認認真真工作，開開心心生活。自己一貫注重個人品德素質(zhì)的培養(yǎng)，努力做到尊重領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，團結(jié)同志，工作負責(zé)，辦事公道，不計較個人得失，對工作對同志有公心，愛心，平常心和寬容心。自從參加工作以來，我首先在師德上嚴(yán)格要求自己，要做一個合格的人民教師！認真學(xué)習(xí)和領(lǐng)會上級教育主管部門的文件精神，與時俱進，愛崗敬業(yè)，為人師表，熱愛學(xué)生，尊重學(xué)生，爭取讓每個學(xué)生都能享受到最好的教育，都能有不同程度的發(fā)

　　2。有較高的專業(yè)水平

　　我從xx師專數(shù)學(xué)系畢業(yè)后曾到xx師范大學(xué)進修英語教學(xué)培訓(xùn)，系統(tǒng)而又牢固地掌握了英語教學(xué)的專業(yè)知識。多年來始終在教學(xué)第一線致力于小學(xué)英語教學(xué)及研究，使自己的專業(yè)知識得到進一步充實、更新和擴展。

　　3。有較強的教學(xué)能力

　　從選擇教師這門職業(yè)的第一天起，我最大的心愿就是做一名受學(xué)生歡迎的好老師，為了這個心愿，我一直在不懈努力著。要求自己做到牢固掌握本學(xué)科的基本理論知識。

　　熟悉相關(guān)學(xué)科的文化知識，不斷更新知識結(jié)構(gòu)，精通業(yè)務(wù)，精心施教，把握好教學(xué)的難點重點，認真探索教學(xué)規(guī)律，鉆研教學(xué)藝術(shù)，努力形成自己的教學(xué)特色。我的教學(xué)風(fēng)格和教學(xué)效果普遍受到學(xué)生的認可和歡迎。

　　以上所述情況，是我競聘英語教師的優(yōu)勢條件，假如我有幸競聘上崗，這些優(yōu)勢條件將有助于我更好的開展英語教學(xué)工作。

　　如果我有幸競聘成功，能擔(dān)任三四年級英語教師的話，我將從以下方面開展工作。

　　一是認真貫徹執(zhí)行黨的教育路線、方針、政策和學(xué)校的各項決定，加強學(xué)習(xí)，積極進取，求真務(wù)實，開拓創(chuàng)新，不斷提高自己的綜合素質(zhì)、創(chuàng)新能力，用自己的勤奮加智慧，完成好教學(xué)任務(wù)。使我校的英語教學(xué)上一個大的臺階。

　　二是做一個科研型的教師。教師的從教之日，正是重新學(xué)習(xí)之時。新時代要求教師具備的不只是操作技巧，還要有直面新情況、分析新問題、解決新矛盾的本領(lǐng)。進行目標(biāo)明確、有針對性解決我校的英語教學(xué)難題。

　　做一個理念新的教師

　　目前，新一輪的.基礎(chǔ)教育改革早已在我市全面推開，作為新課改的實踐者，要在認真學(xué)習(xí)新課程理念的基礎(chǔ)上，結(jié)合自己所教的學(xué)科，積極探索有效的教學(xué)方法。大力改革教學(xué)，積極探索實施創(chuàng)新教學(xué)模式。把英語知識與學(xué)生的生活相結(jié)合，為學(xué)生創(chuàng)設(shè)一個富有生活氣息的真實的學(xué)習(xí)情境，同時注重學(xué)生的探究發(fā)現(xiàn)，引導(dǎo)學(xué)生在學(xué)習(xí)中學(xué)會合作交流，提高學(xué)習(xí)能力。

　　做一個富有愛心的老師

　　“不愛學(xué)生就教不好學(xué)生”，“愛學(xué)生就要愛每一個學(xué)生”。作為一名教師，要無私地奉獻愛，處處播灑愛，使我的學(xué)生在愛的激勵下，增強自信，勇于創(chuàng)新，不斷進取，成長為撐起祖國一片藍天的棟梁。用質(zhì)樸的心愛護學(xué)生，用誠摯的情感染學(xué)生，用精湛的教學(xué)藝術(shù)熏陶學(xué)生，用忘我的工作態(tài)度影響學(xué)生。

　　尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，各位老師，我會珍惜現(xiàn)有的每一個機會，努力工作，發(fā)揮出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、飽滿的熱情上好自己的英語課程，享受我的教學(xué)樂趣！

　　最后我想說：做教師，我無悔！做英語教師，我快樂！

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